Shanghai, Day 1: Schmelzer

Utter helplessness sets in when one is faced with the inability to read or verbally communicate. While Western expat cafes along Yongkang Road are all staffed by helpful and friendly Anglophones, upon stepping out, my attempts to order food are reduced to pointing, smiling and confessing on no uncertain terms that I am in this situations, totally ignorant. Indeed after one day in Shanghai, I’ve learned to recognize precisely four characters in Chinese (I think): I can read now read prices in yuan (元), and can identify chicken (鸡), fish (鱼) and tea (茶) on a menu. (Next step, road signs and/or directions to the metro.)

In talking with other members of the Shanghai Camerata, I learned that Chinese takes an exceedingly long time to learn, simply due to the fact that the innumerable characters take years to memorize. And even then, once they are memorized, linking them with appropriate context and using them to express ideas from another language takes even more time and experience. Diligence is necessary, of course, but also patience and openness to the potential for error.

The sense of unfamiliarity with a new language is a relatively common phenomenon when delving into new genres of music either. While one can perhaps enjoy the aesthetic sensation when listening, the act of performance can demand memorization of different modes of communication. One learns harmonic conventions, rhythmic grooves and the overall rhetoric which takes lumps of sonic material and turns it into music.

British novelist Leslie Poles Hartley began his 1953 novel The Go-Between with the famed words “the past is a foreign country; they do things differently there.” In this intricate tale of an adolescent’s attempts to navigate the significations and affectations of the upper class, the moral of the tale is that one’s sincerity to connect with fellow humans is only as their ability to communicate and listen. By the end of the tale, the book’s protagonist has been through so many failures of communication that he is unable to process any information except facts alone, effectively isolating him from ever forming deep relationships.

Isolation and communication can be problems in Baroque music, as performers are confronted with rows and rows of notes in succession with few complimentary symbols or directions indicating volume or speed. And yet, we know this music ought to be interpreted somehow, as it’s unlikely that a work of music is devoid of either of internal logic or interpretive license. As such, in the historical performance, there’s an element of translation that has to take place, looking at groups of notes on a page to find out what their grammatical meaning might be.

Fortunately for us, some musicians of the past not only wrote their ideas down but compiled them into dictionaries and other lexicographical volumes. For instance, one can easily learn from Johann Gottfried Walther’s Musikalisches Lexicon that rhythmic repetition (anaphora) serves to explicate, demonstrate or augment the meaning of an idea.

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The anaphora (from αναφέρω) occurs when a phrase is frequently repeated in a composition for greater emphasis. (Musikalisches Lexicon, 1732)

Johan Adolph Scheibe, another eminent musical lexicographer and composer when even further.

It is important that repetition not be ignored, but differentiated at every opportunity through well devised neighboring or intervening passages. (Critischer Musicus, 1737-1740).

But other figures and symbols are more ambiguous. In Schmelzer’s Sonata Quarta for Violin and Continuo, violinist Ruiqi Ren and I came across a brief section dominated bombus, which occurs when a note is repeated four times in a row in relatively quick succession.

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At first such a figure would appear to carry some militaristic or showy affekt. But Walther says something sheds light on the way a figure or a phrase might change over time:

The bombus formerly signified an artful movement of the hands which resulted in beelike humming. Nowadays, the figure merely indicates nothing more than a trillo. (Musikalisches Lexicon)

From here, one can set off on any number of roads of inquiry. One might start by asking how it was that bees were perceived in Walther’s time a place. Was the sound of a swarm of bees something irritating? Ominous? Soothing? Or is it perhaps based in one’s own perception of what a bee represents?

Past a certain point, one can fail to differentiate forests from trees (or indeed the metaphysics of a bee’s existence from four bars in a short piece of music). But in learning any new language, one learns to determine context after learning snippets of vocabulary. Why should we assume that a bombus ought to be aggressive, when we can learn that the opposite might be the case? It’s the act of questioning and trying things out that help internalize a new language.

As I’ve learned in the last few days, it is of course not enough to learn single words but to take a look what’s around it. My first meal in Shanghai, I ordered a dish with fish (鱼) but failed to look at the character beforehand (鲶). I ended up ordering catfish (鲶鱼, which I generally despise) but which is not uncommon in Cantonese cuisine (and yes, I ended up at a Cantonese restaurant my first night in Shanghai without realizing it). But such is the nature of trial and error. Whether it’s food, language or music, one need not be scared to try something new.

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The Mickey Mouse March

Fear not, the quiet on the blog has crossed my mind more than a few times in recent weeks. It’s been a full month since I’ve written. Excuses could be concocted, sure, none of which might be inconceivable: Practicing has been the priority lately, other writing projects have been eating away at my time, work is picking up in the new academic year, school has started back again, etc. To an extent it’s true that all these have chiseled away at writing time, but I’d be amiss to say that they’ve been at the front of my mind.

The day will come when I will stop getting antsy about putting “personal stuff” up on the blog. However for today, I’ll settle with a brief explanation: my boyfriend has been ill, off and on, for about a month now. An extended period of not knowing what was wrong with him seemed interminable, and though he hasn’t been diagnosed with anything chronic or fatal, the last few weeks have been enough to lend some new perspective. Indeed, while the first Sunday back for the choir at church usually marks a highlight or a point of excitement, today’s service felt somewhat perfunctory. After a brief visit to the ER last night in Lenox Hill, and a few hours of anxiety-ridden slumber, I somewhat lost my capacity to really care if the choir got through the Byrd and Parsons anthems this morning.

Fortunately, my boyfriend has started doing better. His energy levels are returning to normal and he’s once again started singing the “Mickey Mouse March” (you know, the one where you spell out Mickey’s name?) with lyrics about our 14-week old corgi puppy. (Never mind that “Lunchmeat” has two fewer letters than “Mickey Mouse” – he’s made it work somehow).

In a way, as he’s gradually gotten better, I feel like I’ve had my own straightening out. There’s no doubt in my mind that my practice time, my studies back in Oberlin, performing, my church job and the blog matter a huge amount to me. But for the first time, they don’t carry the same weight as they did before. I suppose I heel guilty to an extent: with each and every lowering of stakes, my playing seemed to improve. I’ve struggled with performance anxiety since I was a child, but for the first time in years, I gave a performance with no anxiety – or at least with a level anxiety incomparable with that of the concern I had for my boyfriend and his health.


In other areas of life as well, my instinct to always engage affirmatively seems to have died away. Charlottesville was rough, but I don’t know what I could say that others aren’t screaming at the top of their lungs. I suppose my return to Oberlin’s campus would have been invigorating in this respect, but the atmosphere seems so divorced from reality that I don’t know what I could take from it. Even on a musical level, coaching Bach’s settings of Nun Komm’ der Heiden Heiland felt just as abstract as coaching a harp etude in Juilliard did. While Juilliard was seemingly all about virtuosity and technical sanitization, literally removing bumps or shades from lines in romanticized Baroque transcriptions for the harp, my last lesson at Oberlin comprised of sitting down at a one-of-a-kind organ in Warner Concert Hall to add articulation and miniature temporal idiosyncrasies. I was jokingly told that I was going to need treatment for the Juilliard “disease” of making everything a bit too smooth and monochromatic.

Maybe the practicing has really taken over in my life, as I’ve increasingly started seeing life through the prism of my time at the organ bench this summer. In a way I can’t help but connect my impatience with the political extremities in the States to my increasing disillusionment with ideas that music somehow requires an affirmative “additive” or “subtractive” approach to get it across. Don’t get me wrong, my lesson was immensely enjoyable, but I know that the utility of any such lesson goes only so far as my ability to adapt and compromise when I head to another instrument. There’s a Juilliard disease maybe, but the protective atmosphere at Oberlin needs its own reality checks.
I realize I’m rambling in an attempt to vebalize what’s been going on. There hasn’t been a major shift I guess – I’ve probably just changed how and where I’m happy to compromise/prioritize/whatever  in my life. Perhaps it’s even just temporary, but there’s a part of me that hopes that it’s not. I’m happy to quit harping on for the moment. Perhaps I’ll pipe down instead.

(Richard, I’m glad you’re feeling better.)


Stumptown, 29th Street 

It’s 6:30AM at Stumptown Coffee Roasters and I’m feeling pretty good about myself. Fellow caffeinators include an Aryan Winklevossy stock broker bro (complete with stupidly large headphones and a creaming, oozing pustule on his face) and a hipster advertising-guru (bad hair, bad mustache, Warby Parkers, bad teeth). Comfortable in their natural habitat, these specimens and others like them are nursing coffees, texting and consulting their positively enormous, clunky MacBooks Air. But my own smugness is derived from the fact that for the first time, my computational device is smaller, faster and sexier than the other kids’ on the playground. With the purchase of an iPad, a long-borne internal crisis of masculinity has been subdued. I now proudly swing my little e-phallus around like an inappropriate chimp at the zoo, who in harassing other primates, kindly grants your child a premature introduction to the nuance of mammalian mating rituals.

My new iPad is amazing. Then again, my standards are rather low. Previous interactions with Apple gadgets have been largely confined to email, Facebook, word processing, ordering takeout and watching reruns of Girls (yes, because the new season started last Sunday). I admit I had allowed my 2010 MacBook Air to degenerate to the point of three broken keys, no functional email application, a faulty trackpad and an operating system that turned loading New Yorker articles into an opportunity to leisurely make a cup of coffee and grab a shower while I waited. Now? I’ve got the ability to read, read, read all the articles, magazines, newspapers without (a) blinding myself by trying to read them on my iPhone (b) waiting for e-naiads to fetch data from ether-abyss at the end of the Styx, and (c) becoming really anal about my coffee routine.

As you can see, getting sucked in isn’t difficult. The ability to multitask on the Apple tablet satisfies the urge to have all things in one place (and never leave my apartment?). But there are additional layers of seduction. Take a newspaper app for example: once you’re inside the New York Times, you have to up your game as you wade through a news source. Formatted with an infinity scroll (dangerous), a litany of political flummox, cultural event reports, humor pieces, foreign affairs analyses and a weekly weather forecast all cohabit within a paper-thin aura of mutual exclusivity. This is no great revelation; one naturally expects of variety, visual chaos and even paradox from the format of a newspaper or magazine. Try and run a direct correlation between gender fluidity on the runways in NY fashion week and the rise in traffic deaths in 2016, you’re either a conspiracy theorist, or writer for Freakonomics.

For me, the best literary media are those which make good on the carnivalesque capital embedded in sheer information overload. The New Yorker‘s “Shouts and Murmurs” hopelessly saturates the reader in its own in self-referentiality while showing the different shades of experience from a single week in the city. But my absolute favorite is Harper’s infamous Index, a reliable and diarrhetic informational source, at once useful, useless, humorous and heartbreaking. In January, the Harper’s Index was uncharacteristically bleak, as the various tidbits of information all seemingle pertained to a post-election malaise. Appalling figures on immigration and asylum seekers in the United States tenebrously move to a seemingly inconsequential figure on the number of emojis acquired by the Museum of Modern Art (176, to be precise) and other fun facts: Harvard’s endowment is over one million per-cent of the average wage of a campus cafeteria worker. A café in Indonesia nearly doubled the price of its iced coffee after the owner poisoned her husband with it. It took ten hours for the official Canadian Immigration site to crash on the day after the election. 360,000 registered female voters lacked proper voter identification in Wisconsin, where it only took 27,000 votes to secure Trump’s lead in November.

A paradox lies not so much in the presence of swathes of information, but rather in our ability to process and potentially care about it. Though I personally find reading the paper enjoyable, I also get amusement from the fact that some see a newspaper or magazine as a lazy Sunday’s project – that reading one is somehow a relaxed or even simple activity, when in fact one is juggling information at the same time that they are checking email, petting the dog, using the loo, drinking coffee, planning for the future, freaking out about the future, applying for a Canadian visa, designing an underground bunker, etc. The carnival is indeed chaotic, as the waves of analyses, facts and figures erupt into a noise.

Hyperbole aside, some articles are obviously less important and even forgotten (I’m liable to remember absolutely nothing about New York Fashion week). Others remain at the fore of our minds as we follow a series of events in the next day’s paper, and the next, and so on (Trump’s debacle with Bannon, for instance). The middling sort pop in and out intermittently; some are anecdotal (the economy of wild sheep hunting in Montana), some intentionally fleeting (the stock indexes), others confirm the intransigence of a feature of society (the American opioid epidemic). In reality each article can be categorized on its own terms (on the assumption of course, that one doesn’t just get their news from Facebook) according to the sensibilities of the reader, allowing them to form subjective linear connections, means of understanding, methods of emotional distance – opinions, basically. The subsidy doesn’t come in the form of simplification or mere organization, but rather by means of compartmentalization – all the facts and figures (or at least the experiences we had of taking them in) co-exist simultaneously and in separate corners of the mind. In the end, the apparent paradox fades away as our minds turn the cacophony current events into a manageable (though still intense) polyphonic hum.

I’m not sure about you, but I rarely feel as if I have to go through such a process of synthesization when I’m reading a novel. More often, I find myself spending time deconstructing something seemingly unified to try and make it more complex or multi-linear. For centuries, the manifestations of formal unification in the novel have continually expanded, and no more so than in the twentieth century: we have the unreliable narrator in Nabokov’s Lolita and Pale Fire; the spectrum of Proustian memory throughout In Search of Lost Time; the indistinguishability between language and symbol in Eco’s Name of the Rose; the expansion of realism in Capote’s In Cold Blood. It’s not that these these books are unchallenging to read, simplistic or single-minded in any way. Indeed the nuance and frustrations of human emotion and behavior are paramount for all these authors. But there’s a certain nucleic conformation of consciousness, a common body of knowledge and understanding that ties the threads of these novels together. One might go so far as to say that there’s a certain vertical organization, whereby the characters, stories and actions are constructed in relation to an overriding facet or piece of knowledge: Humbert Humbert and Lolita’s negotiation of taboo sexuality, Marcel’s engagement of time, “Aristotle” as an idea in Eco’s monastic world, the overarching question of culpability in Capote’s trial.

If there was ever an exception, it would be found in Dostoevsky, an author whose prized technique was in the pitting of all ideas and none against one another in all of his novel. So clinical, multi-voiced and anti-authorial is his style in The Brothers Karamazov, that he was heralded progenitor of the “polyphonic novel,” one of the apexes of literary realism. So fixed is each brother’s experience and worldview, that tension and drama derive not from the clash or injury between the brothers and their ideas, but absolute absence of synthesis between them at any point in the novel.

Polyphonic though it may be, it’s no fugue or invention; it contains no points of imitation, no cadence, no recapitulation. More like a group of articles in the Times, the Karamazovs are almost unrealistically autonomous characters, embodiments of the idealistic orientations, simultaneously perfect and irrefutable in their own logic, irreconcilable at the point of confrontation. The open-ended dialogue to which the reader is but a witness. Indeed, for philosophers such as Mikhail Bakhtin there is no room for the reader in the space confined by dialogical “agitation and cacophony.” Sigmund Freud went so far as categorize the brothers’ apparent separation as the four complements of a higher unity: the effeminate and ascetic Alyosha, the hedonistic and masculine Dmitri, the skeptical and cerebral Ivan, and the criminally insane Smerdyakov.

Even the stage-time afforded each of the brothers differentiates them from one another. If one charts the dialogues between the brothers, Alyosha is nearly omnipresent in nearly every interaction, save two chapters where Ivan and Smerdyakov are alone. Conversely, each of the brothers gets a chapter alone, except for Ivan, who is forced to contend with Smerdyakov’s insanity. Alyosha spends a great deal of time listening, and Ivan spends most of his time talking; Alyosha is the familial broker while Ivan is the deaf automaton, self-exclusionary in his rationality.

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For the ardent Dostoevsky fan, The Grand Inquisitor epitomizes Dostoevsky’s trademark approach. Frustration and a pathological need for self-affirmation push Ivan to recount a fictional encounter between the Spanish inquisitor and Christ, recently returned to earth. The essence of the passage is clear, as the Inquisitor rejects Christ’s return for fear of the nullification of the church’s purpose on earth. Ivan is trying to shake his brother. But rather than describe any emotional state that either Ivan or Alyosha reach, Dostoevsky allows the inherent malice by presenting the full logic his rational objection to a benevolent God. No value judgment is placed on Ivan – the reader infers the stakes of the matter by simply witnessing answers given to questions posited by Alyosha.

The metaphor of this seeming intransigence is summed up in the chapter’s famous use of a kiss. Indeed, the exchange of two kisses in the chapter alone sum up the entirety of Karamazov. Banished from Spain by the Inquisitor, the imprisoned Christ grants him a kiss before his departure, a kiss which “glowed in Inquisitor’s heart, though the old man clung to his ideas.”

“I meant to end it like this. When the Inquisitor ceased speaking he waited some time for his Prisoner to answer him. His silence weighed down upon him. He saw that the Prisoner had listened intently all the time, looking gently in his face and evidently not wishing to reply. The old man longed for him to say something, however bitter and terrible. But He suddenly approached the old man in silence and softly kissed him on his bloodless aged lips. That was all his answer. The old man shuddered. His lips moved. He went to the door, opened it, and said to Him: ‘Go, and come no more… come not at all, never, never!’ And he let Him out into the dark alleys of the town. The Prisoner went away.”

When Ivan pushes his younger brother towards renunciation, Alyosha grants the second kiss to Ivan on the lips.  

“And the old man?” asked Alyosha. 
“The kiss glows in his heart, but the old man adheres to his idea.”

“And you with him, you too?” cried Alyosha, mournfully. 

Ivan laughed. “Why, it’s all nonsense, Alyosha. It’s only a senseless poem of a senseless student, who could never write two lines of verse. Why do you take it so seriously? Surely you don’t suppose I am going straight off to the Jesuits, to join the men who are correcting His work? Good Lord, it’s no business of mine. I told you, all I want is to live on to thirty, and then… dash the cup to the ground!”
“But the little sticky leaves, and the precious tombs, and the blue sky, and the woman you love! How will you live, how will you love them?”
Alyosha cried sorrowfully. “With such a hell in your heart and your

head, how can you? No, that’s just what you are going away for, to join them… if not, you will kill yourself, you can’t endure it!” 

“There is a strength to endure everything,” Ivan said with a cold smile.
“The strength of the Karamazovs- the strength of the Karamazov baseness.”
“To sink into debauchery, to stifle your soul with corruption, yes?”
“Possibly even that… only perhaps till I am thirty I shall escape it, and then-
“How will you escape it? By what will you escape it? That’s impossible with your ideas.”
“In the Karamazov way, again.”
“‘Everything is lawful,’ you mean? Everything is lawful, is that it?”
Ivan scowled, and all at once turned strangely pale.
“Ah, you’ve caught up yesterday’s phrase, which so offended Muisov- and which Dmitri pounced upon so naively and paraphrased!” he smiled queerly. “Yes, if you like, ‘everything is lawful’ since the word has been said, I won’t deny it. And Mitya’s version isn’t bad.”
Alyosha looked at him in silence. 
“I thought that going away from here I have you at least,” Ivan said suddenly, with unexpected feeling; “but now I see that there is no place for me even in your heart, my dear hermit. The formula, ‘all is lawful,’ I won’t renounce- will you renounce me for that, yes?”
Alyosha got up, went to him and softly kissed him on the lips.
“That’s plagiarism,” cried Ivan, highly delighted.”

No resolution ever arrives, as there is no explicit tension. Much like the morning news, it’s for you to infer, balance, decide. But the extent to which this is possible isn’t really down to the process of the reader’s judgment, but rather the extent to which Dostoevsky crawls inside the mind of the character he creates, exposing them in the totality of their internal logic. Not one of the Karamazov brothers is ever presented in a manner in which his own view of the world does not make total and complete sense. Even with Ivan, whose moral and political views resemble Dostoevsky’s own, is totally divorced from any value judgment.

Dostoevsky was not unaware of the gravity of implications in The Grand Inquisitor. In his own journals he confronted his own similarities to Ivan, though positing that while agrees with Ivan, he would “use other words” to express his views. Ivan and Alyosha are not even really “characters,” but personifications of their own ideas. So worried was Dostoevsky about inferring any true “meaning” onto Ivan and Alyosha’s famous encounter, that he wrote of being fearful of writing further chapters in which Ivan and Alyosha might confront each other at all. Indeed, Fyodor Karamazov’s lingering question about a kiss granted by Zosima the Priest earlier in the novel: “Was the kiss symbolic of something?” Zosima’s return later in the novel treads carefully not to find any means of “responding” to either incident. Of the nature of any sequel to The Grand Inquisitor, Dostoevsky writes:

“As an answer to the negative side, I am offering a sixth book, ‘A Russian Monk.’ As such, I tremble: will this be a sufficient answer? All the more trembling because the answer here is not a direct one, not a point-by-point response to any previously expressed position in The Grand Inquisitor or prior, but only an oblique response so to speak, in an artistic picture.”

While Freudian and Marxist scholars have engrained the significance of the Karamazov brothers into the history of literature, psychology and social science, Dostoevsky’s bone dry account of the clash of ideals in Tsarist Russia was significant even in his own time. In May 1880, Dostoyevskty was invited to read The Grand Inquisitor to members of the Royal household, mangy of whom embraced his final novel with enthusiasm. But as Dostoevsky’s magnum opus was simultaneous heralded as “redemptive” and “revolutionary,” some of the Tsar’s greatest opposers latched on, hearing not a meditation on intellectual differentials, but a call to arms. The ecstatic response of a group of students at the University of St. Petersburg to a reading of The Grand Inquisitor in 1879 saw the censorship of the chapter, and a forbearance of publication or public readings.

Not dissimilar to our own time, the intentional distance of journalism from value judgments can often spark not only intense responses, but a variety there of. Divorced from the context of the growing constitutional crisis between the emancipation of the serfs and the 1917 Revolution, one can read The Brothers Karamazov with ignorance, blissful only up to the point you can stand to read an entire 19th century Russian novel and keep track. In Alyosha’s seeming perfection of character, one forgets Dostoevsky’s leftist political leanings, his objection to religion and morality more generally. One forgets the deterioration of millions of lives in his lifetime. One forgets the four years he spent in a Siberian labor colony. Contrary to later politically minded writers like Alexandr Solzhenitsyn and Boris Pasternak, there is neither any element of allegory nor of the “exposé” or tabloid-esque value judgments, now dated and reducible to temporal context. Like a news source, Dostoevsky imprint of his time is clean, reliable and thus all the more tragic for its endurance.

I read Karamazov and I wonder if I yearn for a more obvious dissonance or clash? Is the interaction between Alyosha and Ivan somehow sterile because of the distance between opposing voices, viewpoints? One feels the weight of synthesis, trying to bring together such segregated ideas – ideas, which for Dostoevsky take the place of sensibilities, emotions, feelings.

Some scholars have argued that capturing the true essence of Dostoevsky’s style is fruitless – the nebulous territory which Mikhail Bakhtin labelled as “cacophony” within “polyphonic” landscape is so divorced from the artistic and closer to the journalistic that literary methods almost inevitably fall flat.

img_0052“The plurality of independent and unmerged voices and consciousness and the genuine polyphony of full-valued voices are in fact characteristics of Dostoevsky’s novels.”
“Dostoevsky merges opposites in spite of the age-old traditions of an aesthetic which required a correspondence between the material and its treatment, which took for granted unity and, certainly, homogeneity and kindredness of the structural elements of a given work of art. He issues a decisive challenge to the basic canon of the theory of art. His task is to overcome the greatest difficulty facing the artist: to create a unified and integral work of art from heterogeneous, profoundly foreign materials of unequal value. This is why the Book of Job, the Revelation of St. John, the New Testament texts, St. Simeon the New Theologian, and everything that feeds the pages of Dostoevsky’s novels and lends the tone to one or another of their chapters is combined here in a unique way with the newspaper page, the anecdote, the parody, the street scene, the grotesque, and even the pamphlet.”

(Bakhtin, Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics)

But Bakhtin’s musical analogy is no accident – polyphony as a concept encompasses any musical representation with multiple voices moving simultaneously, though not in tandem. But just as personal autonomy is variable and mutable in literature, so is the independent voice.

More often than not, we think of polyphony in terms of the unifying threads that tie a piece together. Our job is to pick it apart, figure out how renaissance fantasias and baroque fugues are put together, how we can put various components into neat little teleological boxes of form, proportion, direction. Despite given the title ricercar, works designed to “search” (from the Italian ricercare: “to search out”), that which is sought is determined by the tool used to get there: a single unifying theme, sometimes only six notes in length manages to comprise 15 minutes of music. A fugal subject, though alterable in length, tonality or clarity still is confined by a very strict set of assumptions. First, it must repeat itself and build itself to encompass an entire musical landscape. Conversely, the if the landscape has been predesigned, the composer must decide on a subject which can be adequately cultivated, like a horticultural scheme for medieval garden. In addition, any material unrelated to the subject is necessarily presented not only conjunctively, but in a mode of consonance, conforming to whatever the subject’s current manifestation might be. The object is to learn to listen to it in sequence, follow the voices, learn how they agree with each other and converse, take delight in the symmetry, harmony, perfection.

But some of the earliest examples of polyphony sought not to bring things together, but precisely the opposite. One need look no further than the Montpellier Codex to see standard 13th Century procedure of combining unrelated poems and melodies not just to obfuscate a clear message, but allude to a conflict.

Triplum:


The other morning I went out to amuse myself and found a pleasant shepherd girl joyfully occupied without her shepherd boy. I happily sat down beside her and gently asked for her love. She said “Oh no, my Lord, I have a lover, Robin, fair and gay to my liking. For he is so comely and fair and knows so well how to play the bagpipe that I will always love him and never leave him.” 

Motetus:  
Yesterday morning I found a shepherd girl wandering without her shepherd boy. I went up to her in the little meadow and took her in my arms. She pulled back and said: “I prefer Robin who loves me more.” When I kissed her she said: “Get away from me!” But I didn’t leave off for that. When I had caressed her, she promised me her love and said: “My lord, fair gentleman, I love you more than Robin.”
Tenor: 
Ite missa est [“Go forth, the Mass is ended.”]

The humorous effect isn’t abnormal for a 13th Century French motet. But in listening to the L’autre jour par matinet/Hier matinet/Ite Missa Est, one might not get the sense of humor at all – it’s an important distinction that the delivery of the material in the motet is not what makes it humorous, but rather the subject matter. One girl sticks with her boyfriend Robin because he plays the bagpipes really well, and the other is seemingly cruising strangers in a field when she gets bored looking after her sheep without her boyfriend Robin to keep her company. (But let’s be honest, none of this would be an issue if Robin I and Robin II weren’t in fact busy cruising each other in the next field over. Shepherd girl II has got it figured out. Shepherd girl I needs to wake up.) And yet there are no gimmicks, musical games in the motet that give it away. One has to listen to the text closely, bring them together in order for the joke to be heard.

In other cases the effect can be more somber. In Pierre de la Croix’s Aucun ont trouve/lonc tans/Annunciantes two characters sing of their respective joys in falling in love, but don’t use the same language at all. Listening to them simultaneously, one hears that the voices are that of a man and a woman, but there is no indication that they are in fact in love with each other. The plainsong tenor, taken from a chant for the Annunciation of Christ’s birth, is usually associated with an expression of joy. But here the the joys the characters feel in their own self-fulfilment in love run contrary to the traditional notion of selflessness which Mary displays in accepting the burden of pregnancy. The differentials between the rhythms are such that none of the voices carry the same rhythmic scheme – the top voice meanders in subdivisions comparable to works from the early 20th century.

By comparison, the work of a composer like Guillaume de Machaut plays with intentional obfuscation and confusion far more directly. Machaut’s music was truly peculiar, even Dostoevskian, because of the total removal of vocal stratification, variations in timbre, and differences in the speeds of textual delivery – he organized polyphony on the basis of making the voices as equal as possible. Each of three characters in Machaut’s De triste cuer/Quant vrais amans/Certes je di talk about the relationships between how to write music and mediate their love lives. The first simply writes his music, while the other two consider whether how is better or worse to put one’s heart into their music. Comparing the woes of love to Christ’s torments or Darius’ wrongs at the hands of Alexander the Great, the erudition and similitude of the poetry is stratified by disjoining the coordination of their poetry, in favor of harmonic coalescence. Their verses start and end at different times, and despite ending their poems with the same refrain, the implications are completely different. The first character begs forgiveness for writing his song at all, while the other two almost defend the extent to which their own songs have proven good or ill.

Like Dostoevsky, Machaut’s polyphony dispenses with the linear development of thoughtsplitting a poem into several distinct weltanschaungen (wordviews). If the three sections were presented one after the other, Machaut’s poem poses a problem, a solution, and another solution, resembling in form the juxtaposition of contradictions of authority found in the statements found in medieval quaestiones, an antecedent to our modern essay. From the outset the perspective splits as the use of the word “I” for all three voices shows not just the internal dialogue of a character, but the counterpoint of perspective: the poet is at once the subject and the two-fold object of commentary. The effect static, multifaceted, and yet without contradiction – a snapshot of a quandary. Just as faithful Alyosha does not heed the enlightened despotism of his brother Ivan or vice versa, none of the voices are affected by another. Machaut and Dostoevsky both subvert the sequence of cognition and human growth, and segment it into a scheme unbound by time or duration.

img_0055I love my iPad. It allows me to read Dostoevsky, listen to Machaut and flip to the New York Times. But as a reader, I’ve found that the looking at the news is no longer a case of taking in information and making a decision from a newssource. Increasingly, reading the news means having to look for enough factual information from as many as three or four sources to try and piece together a story unburdened by partisan or advertorial analyses. As ridiculous as some of the facts are, the Harper’s Index feels as reliable and solid as any, as I can rearrange facts, observe, correlate. It’s not so much that I’m a proponent of “objective” journalism – objectivity is naturally farcical, a fool’s errand. That said, I can’t help but notice a certain crisis in how Americans consume their news. Writer Kevin G. Barnhurst has been writing for years about the decline of descriptive journalism and the rise of analytical journalism. What if the analyses are wrong? What are they leaving out (or adding in!)? Especially now, with an administration in such dissarray, it’s often hard to tell what is descriptive and what is analytical – Trump’s speeches alone are so filled with errors and poor grammar, that an unannotated transcript of his speech does almost no good, while an edited speech highlights the inconsistencies without revealing any matter of intent on the President’s behalf (despite the issue of his transparency being at stake a significant proportion of the time).

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I see media maps like these floating around the internet and I despair as the colossus of information and confusion has blown up the synthesizing exercise times ten. A single news source alone isn’t sufficient to foster something like Bakhtin’s “cacophony.” Newspapers, like many of their readers, are increasingly prisms of homophony, almost intransigent entities incapable of listening. Indeed, the existential bizareness of the American political sphere is that the different voices yammer on the news, confirm x-group’s political perspective, and yet they exist without paradox. The country is so sufficiently screwed that we’ve moved past the surreal Sartrean confusion, and even past the Orwellian fear about despotism. We’re in a strange free- floating existential angst, a abnormal reality akin to a Russian novel or a theoretical  medieval paradigm. Our lives go on, though the government and media wobble and slog it out. More and more, it feels as if there’s an expectation for us as Americans to “be” personifications of the moral views we “ought” to have. Where you shop, what you read, where you live are now as much symbols of political autonomy as a vote. Three millenials at the same table are separated by values, connected only by the coffee we drink. We’re on our computers, likely looking at different worlds within the internet. It’s rather bleak to think that we might just have reached a sad reality – that we merely embody the news we read – that we’re a country of Karamazovs singing Machaut.


Country Music and the 1968 Election

I suppose it’s no secret that decisions on the campaign trail can seem arbitrary, obtuse and even counter-intuitive. Now more than ever, we’ve seen the Republican nominee switch back and forth on his positions, use foul language, and fundamentally drive his campaign into the abyss. It’s simply wonderful to watch, in a rather dark and cynical schadenfreude kind of way that only American politics can induce.

The message that we’ve got to “make America great again” isn’t new – Nixon’s strategy in the 1968 election was built upon notion of “bringing America back.” In early 1968, Nixon’s own Harry S. Dent (former campaign aide to Strom Thurmond) created a set of ads featuring a country music song to boost the polls around the South:

How far down the road has our country gone,
In this time of trouble and strife?
How can we bring our country back
To the good and decent life?

Our votes can bring our country back
But it’s up to everyone!
This time, this time with leadership
From Richard M. Nixon.

Dent, like Nixon, was fanatical about trying to catch up with former Alabama Governor George Wallace, whose third party ticket threatened Nixon’s majority. But it wasn’t just country singers that they bought for campaign ads, but the most famous country singers money could buy. Between Dent and Mississippi senator Fred LaRue, favors were called in to get Buck Owens, Ernest Tubb, the Wilburn Brothers, Wally Fowler, Tex Ritter and Stuart Hamblen – all stars on the Grand Ole Opry who had at various times had previously shared platforms with George Wallace.

Though keen to spread as wide a net as possible, Dent and LaRue capitalized on Stuart Hamblen the most. Hamblen wasn’t a stranger to politics in the least. In 1952, he had run as a presidential candidate for the Prohibition Party, and in 1938 ran for California’s 20th congressional district seat. But it wasn’t just Hamblen’s political experience and Okie image were vital reasons for his recruitment – he also had a campaign song up his sleeve, fitting for the times. 

Of the many tumultuous events of the year 1968, none loomed over the country so much as Bobby Kennedy’s assassination. Beloved by his party and by many working class voters across the country, his image and populist appeal represented the flipside of Wallace’s, built on a campaign of economic uplift rather than racebaiting.

In July 1968, just weeks after Bobby’s death, the Nixon campaign commenced negotiations with Hamblen Music Company, Inc. in Los Angeles for the use of a campaign song. The song was not newly composed, but in fact had been written for JFK in 1961. Entitled “What Can I Do For My Country,” Hamblen took the words from JFK’s inaugural address as the launching pad for a song. It was rejected by LBJ in 1964, and by a host of local Democratic campaigns in 1966. Hamblen offered the song to the Nixon campaign, and despite the tasteless appropriation of the Kennedy legacy so soon after Bobby’s death, it was decided that in order to court both the Catholic and working class votes across the Appalachians, the song should be used.

 

(it’s pretty terrible, right?)

But the new campaign song came at a heavy price. In discussing the details of the payment for the song, Hamblen initially made several statements in the presence of lawyers that he wished not for his song to be used for financial profit, but for a political cause. That being said, when handed the contract later that week, Hamblen rejected it on the grounds that he would not receive sufficient royalties. In correspondence following a rearrangement of the financial terms of the agreement, the Nixon campaign became aware that Hamblen was insisting on royalties 20% higher than those of Irving Berlin, who until 1968 charged the highest royalty rate of any composer in the United States.

Why is this a big deal? Well, it changed the way musicians got involved in political campaigns. Firstly, the connections between country musicians and politicians were no longer informal and based upon personal friendships as in the case of George Wallace, but required the consultation of law firms, media agencies and one artistic management representatives. Similarly, the country music industry’s involvement in politics was no longer specific to Nashville, but encompassed the emergence of a national music industry, concurrently with a national conservative political consensus. This was no longer just Nixon’s Southern Strategy, but a national strategy in recognition of how pervasive the country music industry had become in American life by the 1960s.

But lastly, it is apparent that country musicians were using campaigns to enhance their own careers just as much as they set out to support a political cause. The final point reflects a wider trend in the country music industry. Due to the expansion of country music radio, television and recording industries, country musicians were reliant upon these media, as suburbanisation saw the gradual abandonment of live performance venues in city centres across the USA. With the exception of Nashville honky-tonk bars, which by 1968 were merely tourist attractions more than local haunts, city centres had mostly seen the closure of most of their large-scale country music venues. Physically getting in front of large audiences was the not the business it used to be – it was political rallies and not concerts that had the biggest crowds.

And yet, Nashville still loomed large in the Nixon-Agnew idea of what the strategy should be. While Country Music was popular everywhere, there was no Mecca like that of the Ryman auditorium, and Wallace remained the Opry favorite. Such was the importance of Nashville and the Opry the Wallace campaigns, that journalist Paul Hemphill remarked that whilst Music Row, Printers Alley and other areas of Nashville fast became political “battle-grounds,” between Democratic Party loyalty and Wallace’s third party candidacy, the Grand Ole Opry continued to represent the “end of the rainbow” for blue collar Wallace voters and country music lovers. According to other reports, the parking lot at adjacent to the Ryman Auditorium in 1968 was often filled with cars with bumper stickers reading “Wallace for President” and more extreme slogans such as “Bluegrass is White Folks’ Music: Vote for Wallace.”

Dent and LaRue also realized the symbolic importance that Nashville retained as Music City, USA. Hence, they spared little time in recruiting Grand Ole Opry host Roy Acuff to support Nixon publicly in 1968. It was widely known around Nashville that George Wallace and Cornelia Snively (who had been a back-up singer for Acuff on the Opry), approached him in early 1968 about endorsing the Wallace campaign, but he declined on ideological grounds. From February, 1966, Acuff and Marty Robbins had already been playing duo performance as Republican Party fundraisers, and in 1968 Acuff was named head of the Citizens for Nixon-Agnew Committee. While this was an unprecedented step in the nationalization of Republican country musicians as integral activists in campaign fundraising and promotion, it also brought the sharp political contrast between Wallace and Nixon to the Opry stage: Acuff’s primary partner on the Opry stage was none other than Wallace’s most ardent supporter in Nashville, Sarah Cannon.

Ok, so we know Nixon won by a landslide and that for the most part, he took the South. In looking back at the importance of the country music industry and it’s conversion to the Republican Party, scholars and politicians alike have equated the presence of populist music with political appeal. In Harry Dent’s own assessment, the Republican party’s spots on country music radio were “great for getting through to the working man and woman, especially in the South” and Wallace aid Tom Turnipseed testified to their “devastating effect” to Wallace’s campaign. But historians, musicologists, and sociologists alike have tended take these assessments at face value without undertaking any detailed analysis of 1968 electoral results. At most, historians have only pointed to Wallace’s achievement of gaining 13.5% percent of the popular vote and winning electoral victories in some Southern states. Did all this actually make a difference?

Between 1967 and 1971, the Country Music Association undertook a survey of the location and concentration of all-country music radio stations around the United States. But electoral statistics yield quite disparate results across the United States. For example, in South Carolina, where there was a concentration of more than ten country music stations, the election results were split evenly between Wallace and Nixon. In the middle and southern sections of the state, the areas with high concentration of country music stations voted for Hubert Humphrey. In Tennessee, despite the warm reception which Wallace received in eastern TN just days before the Presidential election, the eastern half of the state appears to have voted solidly in favor of Nixon. Despite Nixon’s best efforts in middle TN, and especially Nashville, the center and western half of the state (with the exception of predominantly African-American Memphis) voted for Wallace.

Further abroad from the Southern United States, the effect of country music advertising did not yield any more consistent voting patterns. Areas with higher concentration of country music stations in fact tended to vote in favor of Hubert Humphrey. In California, where Wallace notably received support from local country music bands and won 6.72% of the vote, there again appears to be no correlation between country music advertising and electoral outcome. Wallace as in other non-southern states received no electoral votes and the contest remained between Humphrey (who did elicited very little, if any support, from the country music industry and broadcasting) and Nixon along bipartisan division.

In addition to the research undertaken by the Country Music Association, a survey of ten US cities undertaken by Pulse magazine in 1969 revealed that apart from white ethnicity, there were no concrete occupational, educational, age or financial characteristics in country music audiences across the United States. Hence, whilst the country music industry has played an important role in how candidates chose to campaign in 1968, it’s not apparent that there was any consistent correlation with the outcome of the election.

I don’t know about you, but surely it’s common sense – how likely is it that people consider their favorite music artists when they walk into a voting booth?

Yet the image of the effects of the country music industry in GOP politics remained strong from Nixon all the way through the Bush years. Great interest in the Nashville and the Opry’s relationship with high profile politicians was generated in the aftermath of the 1968 election. In 1975, Robert Altman’s film Nashville, set on Music Row against the backdrop of a major election, received critical acclaim across the United States for its satirisation of Wallace, Nixon and the recruitment of country musicians in Nashville. Since the 1970s, the country music industry has been consistently perceived as the most explicitly political of commercial music industries in the United States, despite its folky and anti-establishment overtones. In 2012, ABC drama series Nashville included a political sub-plot, showcasing the common association between the South’s political élites and country musicians.

In exploring the relationship between Nashville musicians and the nation’s politicians, the bulk of historiography has consistently turned back to Richard Nixon’s campaign as the starting point, with only sparse acknowledgement of the role played by George Wallace in third party and Democratic politics. In both cases, it is casually assumed that country music represented a cultural force for the Democrats prior to 1968 and has since been uniformly Republican.

However, it is apparent that the Nixon campaign’s strategy in relation to country music, whilst certainly inspired by George Wallace, differed in scope and scale. While Fred LaRue and Harry Dent have openly admitted that the country music strategy was meant to imitate that of George Wallace, Nixon’s association with country music was very distant and part of a larger media campaign across the United States. By contrast, Wallace’s association with country musicians, and especially Opry members, was based on personal and even familial relationships with the singers, which were maintained throughout Wallace’s life and political career. Furthermore, despite the Nixon administration’s attempts to court the country music industry, Nashville and the country music industry have never been firmly associated with the Republican Party over the course of the last fifty years. Indeed, despite Nixon’s victory in 1968, his legacy in the country music industry was still overshadowed by that of George Wallace.

Historians have often spoken of a “marriage” between country music and politics. In George Wallace’s case, the matrimony was literal as well as metaphorical. In 1969, Wallace married Cornelia Snively, a singer and guitarist who had sung and toured with Roy Acuff and the Smoky Mountain Boys as far abroad as Hawaii and Australia in 1959. Cornelia often performed at her husband’s rallies in the 1970 gubernatorial campaign and in the 1972 presidential campaign, alongside Opry members Billy Grammer and Ferlin Husky, further strengthening the Wallace’s connection with the Opry. Wallace’s third wife, Lisa Taylor came to know Wallace first during the 1968 campaign when she performed with her sister Mona as part of the Wallace Girl country-western duo, Mona and Lisa. Though she did not perform for any of Wallace’s campaigns or political rallies after 1968, her political connection with country music and the Wallace campaigns was noted upon her betrothal to Wallace, adding to the mystique of country music’s political slant.

George Wallace Jr. is still active to this day as country music songwriter and record producer, and from 1987 to 1995 served as treasurer of the state of Alabama. Wallace Jr.’s country music career took off in 1971 upon the signing of his first record deal, a highly publicized event at which his father was present. In an interview with Wallace Jr., he revealed that much of his success amongst fans and in the country music industry came from the admiration that many held for his father. Not long after the attempt on Wallace’s life in May 1972, Wallace Jr. travelled with Hank Williams Jr. In many venues, he received more applause and recognition than Williams, reflecting his father’s stature amongst country music fans.

George Wallace expressed a personal and political affinity with country music and Nashville, a city that “grew up on music” as he had. Wallace’s mother was a piano teacher and always kept the radio going in the house, and always expressed the connection between his affinity for music and associations with his mother, focusing the personal and not just political relationship that Wallace had with music, and country musicians in particular. Southern musicians continually kept up their connection with Wallace after the 1968 election. Though they never met in person until 1976 throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s, Elvis Presley used to telephone Wallace on a monthly basis, out of admiration for Wallace’s political courage to campaign openly on issues that were considered too sensitive by many in the United States.

Yet despite Nixon’s more corporate approach, he went to great lengths to publicly imitate Wallace’s more intimate relationship with the country music industry. In 1970, President Nixon declared October to be Country Music Month, and invited Tex Ritter to a White House reception, at which the President was presented with a token of thanks from the Country Music Association. At a gala dinner, Tex Ritter presented an album as “our way of saying thank you for the recognition you, more than any other president, has given to country music”—country music being, in Ritter’s particular definition, “the voice of your Silent Majority.” Showing his gratitude, Ritter imparted, “May I be so bold now…to take your words and elaborate—to sort of try and prove them, and with the music of the people illustrate all you have said…[in] the speeches you have made.” Ritter proceeded to introduce each of the fifteen songs, by linking them with excerpts from Nixon’s speeches, asserting that their sentiments line up at every point, climaxing with Merle Haggard’s “Okie from Muskogee,” a famous ballad about racial backlash in the United States.

Throughout his Presidency, Nixon continued to invite country and Southern artists, including Johnny Cash and Merle Haggard to perform at the White House. Such was the media’s interest in Cash’s appearance at the White House, that questions were raised over Cash’s politics when he refused to sing Haggard’s “Okie from Muskogee” when in fact, he simply did not know the song. In December 1970, Nixon was approached by Elvis Presley to be made a “Federal Agent-at-Large” in the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs. In Presley’s letter (written on an complimentary notepad from American Airlines), Presley presented his credentials and ‘in-depth of drug abuse and Communist brainwashing techniques’. Presley was indeed granted such an honor, and as a token of thanks, Nixon was presented with a series of autographed photographs and a commemorative WWII Colt 45 pistol. But more importantly, when it came to planning the 1972 election campaign song, Nixon was clear “that it should be one with country music performers.”

Nixon’s relationship with the country music industry reached its climax on March 16, 1974, just weeks after the indictment of the Watergate Seven before a grand jury, and only months before Nixon’s resignation. As a last minute attempt to gain a token of public good will, Nixon attended the first performance of the Grand Ole Opry at its new premises on the outskirts of Nashville, becoming the first US President ever to visit the Opry. Nixon was invited to come down from his box to appear on stage beside Roy Acuff. HE even performed a few songs, including accompanying himself in a rendition of “Happy Birthday,” dedicated to Pat Nixon. Acuff proclaimed him to be “a real trooper, as well as one of our best Presidents.” In turn, Nixon had his own words of praise for country music and its listeners. In a recitation of country music’s virtues, Nixon echoed Wallace’s enthusiastic pronouncements about country music from the 1968 campaign and tapped into a nostalgia intimately connected to the music’s national appeal in the late 1960s. In expressing what country music has meant to America, Nixon proclaimed:

“Country music is American. It started here. It’s ours. It isn’t something that we learned from some other nation, it isn’t something that we inherited…. It’s as native as anything American we could find. Country music also has a magnificent appeal all across the country. It’s not regional. It comes from the heart of America, because this is the heart of America, out here in Middle America. It talks about family. It talks about religion, the faith in God that is so important to our country, and particularly to our family life. And as we all know, country music radiates a love of this nation. Country music, therefore, has those combinations which are so essential to America’s character, at a time that America needs character.”

At the end of his speech, Nixon concluded:

“I wanted to take this opportunity on behalf of all the American people to thank Country Music…for what it does to make America a better country.”

But not everyone was convinced by Nixon’s performance that evening. Lifelong Democrat and Opry regular Ernest Tubb, was asked in private by fellow country star Bill Anderson, “Did you ever think you would live to see a president of the United States come to the Grand Ole Opry?” Tubb replied, “Naw, I never did. But just between me and you, I wish it had been another president.”

Despite the attention paid to Nixon, the evening’s proceedings were not without an acknowledgement country music’s wider political tradition. Upon announcing the presence of the president, Roy Acuff serenaded the crowd with “You Are My Sunshine,” the song used by Louisiana Governor Jimmie Davis in 1944. But more importantly, George Wallace was present that evening, being granted a seat of honor not in a box as Nixon was granted (at short notice) but on the front row, alongside Sarah Cannon and Jerry Clower. Whilst Nixon received much the national media’s spotlight that evening, George Wallace received just as much attention by Southern media and praise by Opry members after the show, including Ernest Tubb, Sarah Cannon, Roy Clark and Billy Grammer. Even at the event often labeled as the “apex” of presidential politics and country music, George Wallace’s importance and influence was yet pervasive.

Hence, the evening at the Opry thus paralleled the ongoing political division within the country music industry and the Southern United States. Not long after Nixon resigned, one country song in particular illustrated the South’s regret that Nixon was elected President over George Wallace. Released on June 24, 1974, just weeks after Nixon’s resignation, Lynyrd Skynrd’s “Sweet Home Alabama” quickly reached #8 in the US charts, including in its lyrics a, homage to Wallace and Nixon.

In Birmingham, they love the governor (boo boo boo)
Now we all did what we could do
Now Watergate does not bother me
Does your conscience bother you?
Tell the truth
…
Sweet home Alabama, oh, sweet home baby
Where the skies are so blue and the governor’s true…


Miami, 1972 – Nashville, 1966

Though social media algorithms don’t always give an accurate gauge of the political climate, I can say for certain that a lot of people got bent out of shape last week. Melania Trump. Wow.  That said, it’s entirely possible more hardcore Democrats than Republicans actually heard Melania’s speech in real time. According to more than one news … Read more Miami, 1972 – Nashville, 1966